Austria-Hungary's ultimatum to Serbia expired on July 25, 1914. Just minutes before the deadline, Serbia presented a formal response in which it made concessions to the Dual Monarchy in Vienna. Serbia said it wanted to maintain "friendly and neighbourly relations" between Belgrade and Vienna.
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It's worth a look at the Serbian response. Many scholars say it showed Serbia was trying to be cooperative and conciliatory, if not out of a desire for peace with its larger neighbor than from desperation to avoid a war which it might would lose.
On the other hand, for years Serbia had done little to dampen down anti-Austrian, pro-nationalist fervor. Indeed, it had given license to the notion of a "Greater Serbia" that would encompass all ethnic Serbs, including those living in territories of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
Finally the moment had arrived when tough decisions had to be made. Serbia responded to Austria's ultimatum point by point. The Serbian government:
Serbia says it is in neither nation's interests to "rush the solution of this affair." It remains eager "to accept a peaceable solution" by referring a decision in the matter to the International Court at The Hague or the Great Powers.
The Austro-Hungarian ultimatum shocked all foreign leaders except, of course, the Germans, which in early July had given Austria a "blank check" to intervene in dealing with Serbia.
"You are setting fire to Europe!" declared an alarmed Sergey Sazonov, foreign minister of Russia. Russia is Serbia's main protector in the Balkans and an ally of France.
The French ambassador in Berlin, Jules Cambon, recognized, sadly, that "all the evidence shows that Germany is ready to support Austria's attitude with unusual energy."
Sir Edward Grey, the British foreign secretary, said he had never before seen "one State address to another independent State a document so formidable in character." Still, he added, the dispute was one involving Austria and Serbia, and Britain need not become involved.
And that is where things were left: Franz Joseph, aging and ailing, willing to lead his Austro-Hungarian Empire, also old and in decline, into an ill-conceived war against a smaller neighbor whose officials may have had a hand in the murder of the Emperor's heir apparent. The extent of Serbian officials' complicity in the assassination of the Archduke remained uncertain. What was clear to everyone, however, was the existence of the array of treaties, alliances and understandings, each one a domino that would cause others to fall in succession once the first one was tipped.
On the other hand, for years Serbia had done little to dampen down anti-Austrian, pro-nationalist fervor. Indeed, it had given license to the notion of a "Greater Serbia" that would encompass all ethnic Serbs, including those living in territories of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
Finally the moment had arrived when tough decisions had to be made. Serbia responded to Austria's ultimatum point by point. The Serbian government:
- Agreed to adopt a law punishing any newspaper for "incitement to hatred of or contempt for, the Monarchy." To do so, however, would require a constitutional change that could not, under Serbian law, be accomplished immediately.
- Offered to disband Narodna Odbranda, a Serbian paramilitary force, and similar anti-Austrian groups. The ultimatum had alleged that Narodna Odbrana was involved in some way in the assassination of Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand on June 28. Austria had presented no proof of that. The assassin, Gavrilo Princip, was a member of a different Serbian extremist group, the Black Hand.
- Agreed to eliminate from the public schools any teaching that furthers propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary. Serbia asked, though, that Vienna furnish actual proofs of the offensive material.
- Pledged to dismiss any military officers or civilian officials who are convicted of involvement in the Archduke's assassination. Serbia asked that Austria identify the facts which support allegations against these individuals so that the investigations can proceed.
- Confessed that Austria's ultimatum wasn't clear about the scope of the "subversive movement" directed against the Monarchy, but that it would pursue a cooperative spirit, so long as it did not undercut Serbian sovereignty or run afoul of Serbian criminal law.
- Agreed to institute a judicial inquiry "against every participant" in the assassination plot, again so long as it did not infringe on Serbian sovereignty or run counter to criminal procedure.
- Ordered the arrest of Serbian Major Voislav Tankosic, who tried to assassinate the Archduke in 1911 and provided guns and bombs for the June 28 murder. However, the government said it was unable to locate a second plotter, Milan Ciganovitch, an ally of both Prinicip and Taknosic. Serbia pointed out that Ciganovitch, a railway worker, is citizen of Austria-Hungary. He left his job on June 28, the day of the assassination. A warrant has been issued for his arrest. Serbia asked Austria-Hungary's help in locating him and in furnishing evidence for the prosecution.
- Promised to intensify efforts to suppress the smuggling of arms and explosives to anti-Austrian groups. Railway officials who allowed Princip and his conspirators to enter Austria would be punished.
- Asked Austria-Hungary for evidence of the "unjustifiable utterances of high Serbian functionaries" that the Austrians complained of. Serbia said it would discipline any official who stepped out of line but the Austrians did not specify what was said or who said it.
- Assured Austria-Hungary that it is taking measures to comply with the ultimatum.
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| Serbian Prime Minister Nikola Pasic |
The Austro-Hungarian ultimatum shocked all foreign leaders except, of course, the Germans, which in early July had given Austria a "blank check" to intervene in dealing with Serbia.
"You are setting fire to Europe!" declared an alarmed Sergey Sazonov, foreign minister of Russia. Russia is Serbia's main protector in the Balkans and an ally of France.
The French ambassador in Berlin, Jules Cambon, recognized, sadly, that "all the evidence shows that Germany is ready to support Austria's attitude with unusual energy."
Sir Edward Grey, the British foreign secretary, said he had never before seen "one State address to another independent State a document so formidable in character." Still, he added, the dispute was one involving Austria and Serbia, and Britain need not become involved.
And that is where things were left: Franz Joseph, aging and ailing, willing to lead his Austro-Hungarian Empire, also old and in decline, into an ill-conceived war against a smaller neighbor whose officials may have had a hand in the murder of the Emperor's heir apparent. The extent of Serbian officials' complicity in the assassination of the Archduke remained uncertain. What was clear to everyone, however, was the existence of the array of treaties, alliances and understandings, each one a domino that would cause others to fall in succession once the first one was tipped.